Some of the Israeli Left is so blinded by its own patriotism that it cannot believe a sane person does not identify with it. Another part, less naïve, lies to the Israeli public and sells it a false bill of goods
Mahmoud Darwish, who passed away yesterday, was not a modest person. One
day I introduced him as the greatest living Palestinian poet and he corrected
me "Arab poet", meaning not only that he was a poet of the whole Arab
nation and language, but that he was in fact the greatest of all the Arab poets
alive. And indeed he was. And not only a great Arab poet, but one of the
greatest intellectuals of our time.
The best thing he did in his life was to leave his Homeland, for, in Israel, he was
not and never would have been evaluated at his real value. At best, he was
patronized by the little dwarfs who claim to be "Israeli
intellectuals"; more often, he was called to order when his poetry was not
politically correct in Zionist standards.
As an homage to Mahmoud Darwish, and as a pre-emptive reaction to the
hypocritical reactions we will read in the Israeli media in the coming weeks, I
would like to reproduce an article I wrote twenty years ago about Mahmoud
Darwish and the Israeli left-intellectuals.
(This piece
originally appeared in the 2000 edition of Mitsad Sheni, the Hebrew language
magazine of the Alternative
Information Center.
Translated to English by the AIC).
Every
decade, the Israeli public hears about Mahmoud Darwish and heaps upon him a
combination of hatred, ignorance, jealousy and arrogance. In 1987 this was due
to his poem Passers Between the Passing Words, which outraged the Left.
This year it is the Right that has mobilized against the decision of the
Education Minister to add to the curriculum the work of one who is considered
to be, following the death of Nizar Kabani, the greatest Arab poet.
What has
changed in the past ten years? Firstly, the Oslo Agreements: “the mutual
recognition” brought the peace camp to recognize the fact that there are
Palestinian poets, considered throughout the world as a precious part of human
culture. Secondly, there was a shift in the Israeli elite away from the
provinciality that characterized it for the past two generations. Only
provincial- educated persons such as Meir Shalev still believe that Rainer
Maria Rilkeis represents the ultimate culture worthy of being taught in Israeli
schools, and that the place of Andalusian music is in bus stations. These two
phenomena resulted in firstly, an increased awareness of Darwish’s poems in Israel,
and later the recognition that his creations are an essential component in the
education of Israeli girls and boys in the 21st century.
And what
has not changed amongst the majority of Israeli liberal intellectuals? The lack
of understanding and willingness to understand Darwish and his poems. From
Yossi Sarid to Amnon Rubenstein, everyone swears that it is the poetry of
Darwish which is worthy of appearing and not his political perspectives, heaven
forbid – as if you can separate between the poet and the freedom fighter,
between the creation and the person. The poetry of Darwish draws from the
Palestinian experience and the fight of his people, it sustains them and is
sustained by them. One who has read even a few of his poems knows this, and I
recommend to the gang of ignorant Israeli hypocrites that they see the
impressive film by Simone Biton, As the Land is the Language, about
Mahmoud Darwish and his poetry.
And now,
despite the ‘mutual recognition’, not much has changed in the past ten years.
The following article, originally published in Matzpen in May 1988, is
proof of this.
The
publication of the latest poem by Mahmoud Darwish, Passers Between the
Passing Words, exposes the weakness of the Israeli left more so than the
“hidden positions” of the Palestinian national poet, as claimed by one of his
Israeli critics. The poem illuminates in a cruel light the positions of the
various people on the left, in the field of poetry no less than in the field of
politics.
About
Poetry…
The poem by
Darwish highlights an interesting revolution in the field of poetry and
literary criticism in Israel:
the followers of freedom of art and poetry suddenly(!) became students of Zhdanov, and they
criticized the rhymes of the poet as if it was a political manifesto; the
“line” of Darwish, as expressed in the poem, is not to their liking. In the
eyes of Amos Keinan and his friends, an artistic creation must have a defined
political position, as was advocated by the realist school of socialism in the
darkest days of Stalin. On the other side, suddenly students of Stalin
discovered the freedom of art and the fact, as noted by the editor of Zo
Haderech Tamar Gozansky, that “a poem is not a political manifesto, nor a
plan for negotiations or an international conference.” In another instance the
Israeli communist party magazine, Gershon Kanispal, emphasizes in bold type:
“No! A poem is not an editorial in a newspaper.”
What a
revolution! Those who praised Zhdanov and saw socialist realism as the height
of art and the highest authority in art criticism, now praise the “the
foundation of poetic exaggeration”, the emotional flowery phrases and the
unrealistic generalization.” It is difficult to free oneself completely from
what has been learned and passed on for many years, and Shula Hanin, in the
same edition of Zo Haderech, returns to the former version: “It is
forbidden not to be clear now! All those for a just solution and a Palestinian
state next to the State of Israel…need poems as bright and clear as the sun,
and not ‘foggy’ poems, which will not only not serve the cause but bring us
backwards.”
And on
Politics…
We would
not devote a column in Matzpen to the literary criticisms of Gozansky
and Hanin, and even of Amos Keinan, unless these criticisms exposed their
pathetic political understandings. The Israeli left is proud of its Israeli
patriotism, and promotes a solution based on a Palestinian state side by side with
the State of Israel. This is certainly their right. However, to cater to
Israeli public opinion, they put in the mouths of various Palestinian speakers
their own positions and opinions; in the end they convince even themselves that
a majority of the Palestinian leaders are Zionists, or at least fans of Israeli
patriotism.
Some of the
Israeli left is so blinded by its own patriotism that it cannot believe a sane
person does not identify with it. Another part, less naïve, lies to the Israeli
public and sells it a false bill of goods. Yet both of them, the naïve and the
crook, deceive the Israeli public and in their success lies their failure.
The naïve
angrily chide the poet: “If this is how you think, I will stop being your
friend,” while running to hide with his enemies-friends from the Israeli right,
vowing to never believe the Arabs again. The less naïve is also angry that the
Palestinian did not play the game attributed to him in the best of the
socialist-chauvinistic tradition of the Israeli left, without asking the
Palestinian of his opinion at all. What did Tova Hanin write? “A man (Darwish)
with opinions such as his has an obligation toward us, those who want peace,
and he cannot get away from this…Darwish’s poem was for many of them (writers and
artists who want peace) a slap in the face, and all the justifications and
explanations will not help….All those for a Palestinian state, side by side
with the State of Israel, need poems as bright and clear as the sun…” (Zo
Haderech, 6.4.88).
The poet
has no ‘poetic license’, the Palestinian has no freedom to decide what he
wants, and the poet who is a Palestinian has no right to express his pain. The
Israeli left will decide what he is to write, to think, to feel and for which
solution to advocate.
What did
you do to them, ya Mahmoud? How could you have written what gets in the way of
their work? If you did not know, you are a poet on behalf of, but not on behalf
of the Palestinian national struggle - on behalf of the Israeli peace camp, and
primarily on behalf of the Israeli thinkers, artists and writers who will
arrange a state for you, on the condition that you are patient, and put a
muzzle on your mouth and your heart, as you refused to salute the Israeli
communist party before you were exiled from your homeland – for this is indeed
your homeland, and if you insist on expressing the rage of your people and
their longing for the homeland, for all the homeland, and if you continue to
argue with the vast majority of your people that perhaps you will agree to a
Palestinian state next to Israel, but that you will never reconcile yourself
with the dispossession of your people from even one inch of the land of
Palestine, you will see that the phrase “them”, which appears in your last poem
with the Palestinian “we”, will include the large majority of your Israeli
friends. They are your friends when you are weak and defeated, and they are
your mortal enemies when you are a proud Palestinian who does not hide his
aspirations and the legitimate aspirations of your people.
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