Israeli soldiers use force to break up a protest against the discriminatory use policies of Israel regarding Route 443, which prohibits travel on this road by Palestinians (photo by Oren Ziv of Activestills.org)
The
meaning of the (Israeli) High Court decision regarding the petition of the
Association for Civil Rights in Israel in the matter of Route 443, which
prohibits travel on this road by Palestinians: for the first time in its
history, the Israeli High Court gave a decision that provides approval for
separate roads for Palestinians and Israelis, with no security need and in
blatant violation of the laws of occupation.
On 5 March
2008, the (Israeli) High Court held a hearing of the petition submitted by the
Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) against the Minister of Defence,
the Central Military Commander and Commander of the Binyamin Division, in the wake
of the demand to annul the prohibition placed on Palestinians from traveling on
Route 443. The petition was submitted by ACRI Attorney Lee in March 2007, on
behalf of residents of the six Palestinian villages adjacent to Route 443,
whose daily life has been badly affected by this prohibition of travel, which
is the primary and sole road in their area. The petitioners are only a small
part of the entire Palestinian population badly affected by the closing of this
road to them.
The
petition was heard by President of the Israeli High Court, Dorit Beinish and
Judges Edmund Levy and Uzi Fogelman. At the conclusion of the hearing, the
court gave an interim decision that the Respondents must update the court
within six months on progress in paving the “fabric of life” road. This
decision essentially provides a green light to the military to pave separate
roads for Palestinians, which means—unprecedented provision by the High Court
for polices of separation and discrimination in movement, a policy that has
already been dubbed “apartheid.” If the judges had indeed intended, as they
are obligated to do, to seriously weigh the legal argument raised by the
petition, there would have been no reason to approve the continued paving of
the “fabric of life” road, which entails the additional confiscation and
destruction of land and costs of tens of millions of shekels. For the first
time in its history, the Israeli High Court gave a decision that provides
approval for separate roads for Palestinians and Israelis, with no security
need and in blatant violation of the laws of occupation. It should be recalled
that this is not a decision given in the interim stages of litigation, but only
after both sides rested.
The General Secretaries of the four Left political parties
in India
addressed the following letter to the Prime Minister regarding the
corruption involved in the Israeli arms deal.
Dear Shri Manmohan Singhji,
We have been noting with growing concern the manner in which arms deals
with Israel are being conducted. Israel
is already the second largest supplier to India. It is now clear that Israeli
arms manufacturers, including government-owned entities, have been blatantly
violating Indian laws by using middle-men and by giving kickbacks to
officials involved in the decision-making process.
The scam surrounding India’s
acquisition of the Israeli Barak missile systems manufactured by the
state-owned Israel Aircraft Industries (IAI) and Rafael corporations is
the latest case in point. The original deal for ship-mounted Barak systems
worth about Rs.1300 crore struck in 2000 during the NDA regime was rife
with procedural violations and outright corruption as emerged during the
Tehelka expose. CBI’s FIR of October 2006 names IAI as an accused,
besides naming Delhi-based arms dealer Suresh Nanda and other family
members as agents of the Israeli firms. The recent CBI raids and
consequent arrests of the Nandas and their associates seem to have added
more hard evidence.
Yoel Lavi, the Mayor of Ramle with Israeli Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert. Lavi, who has a long history of racist statments and actions against Palestinian citizens of Israel, was named to the position of Director of the Israel Land Administration (ILA).
On 10 March 2008, human rights and social change organizations sent an urgent letter toPrime
Minister Ehud Olmert, the Minister of Construction and Housing Ze’ev
Boim and the Attorney General Menachem Mazuz demanding the cancellation
of the candidacy of Yoel Lavi to the position of Director of the Israel
Land Administration (ILA) on the grounds that, as the mayor of the
mixed Arab-Jewish city of Ramle for the last fifteen years, he has made
racist statements on numerous occasions against Arab citizens of
Israel. Lavi’s statements and racist opinions against Arabs have been
met with protests, and the Hebrew and Arabic-language press have
published articles and reports condemning his statements and declaring
a lack of trust in him.
The organizations, which include Shatil’s mixed cities
project, al-Dar, Adalah, The Association for Distributive Justice, and
the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, argued that Lavi’s
nomination as Director of the ILA is irrational and illogical and
listed the problems associated with his nomination. The ILA is a
governmental body, established under the law. Among its various
responsibilities it the management of what are known as “state lands”,
with honesty, integrity and sincerity, while abiding to the principle
of just distribution.
An Israeli soldier inspecting a shiptment of wheat at the Karni crossing before it can be tranferred into the Gaza Strip.
Numerous reports by
the World Bank and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development,
amongst others, detail the need to lift restrictions on the movement of goods
and people placed by Israel on the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) (for
references, see end of document). All indicators show that these obstacles are
stifling the Palestinian economy, with trade and labor flows being the chief
casualties, resulting in widespread poverty and dependence on humanitarian aid.
Poverty afflicted
30.8% of Palestinian households in 2006, with 18.5% in deep poverty. At the
same time, the number of checkpoints and other barriers in the West Bank doubled
in 2006 as compared to 2005, reaching 541 in July 2007, with a further 524 “flying”
(mobile and irregular) checkpoints. The Gaza Strip has been under blockade since
June 2006, when an Israeli soldier was abducted, and even more so since the
Hamas takeover of June 2007. Exports from the West Bank
declined by some 16% in 2006, and trade has almost completely been halted in
the Gaza Strip. The Palestinian gross domestic product (GDP) contracted by 4.2%
in the first quarter of 2007, after a shrinking by over 8% in 2006. Donors paid
a record USD 1.4 billion in the same to the OPT. There is a correlation in
these figures. This is an expensive solution for the international community
that donates aid, an unsustainable one in the medium and long term (though the
crisis is indeed already “prolonged” in the words of the UN Relief and Works
Agency), and is moreover anomalous, since historically the OPT have not been a
recipient of humanitarian aid. In this policy statement, the AlternativeInformationCenter contends that these
distortions can only be rectified under full Palestinian sovereignty.
With the increasing privitazation of the Israeli educational system, the educational gap between the weak and strong socioeconomic sectors is increasing.
In wake of the court petition of Israeli upper class parents, the
District Court in Tel Aviv ruled last month that the Petah Tikvah Municipality
and the Ministry of Education must publish the success rates in matriculation
exams for the city’s schools.
On the surface, it seems reasonable in a democratic society for parents to receive reliable information about
the academic achievements of their children in school. However, while this
decision could have encouraged the schools, the parents and the pupils to work and
improve the level of education, in reality, this decision represents just one
more stage in the ongoing process of destroying the principle of public
education. It is also a component of the ratings war among schools attempting to
attract children of the elite.
This is one of the most sophisticated mechanisms created so far, in
order to classify pupils by schools and to label schools as being weak or
strong—a mechanism that will contribute towards privatization and the destruction
of the public basis for equal education.