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The
major political players who are involved in sealing off 1.5 million
Palestinians into an open air prison in the world’s most densely populated
360-square-kilometre area of the Gaza Strip are unmercifully trespassing
humanitarian borders there; they perceive in the collapsing economy of the
Mediterranean coastal strip, which is rapidly developing into a humanitarian crisis,
a political “window of opportunity.”
Ironically
they are counterproductively citing security and peace making as their casus
belli, but they are creating on the ground an explosive humanitarian disaster
that could blow off the local as well as the regional security in a way that
precludes any credible efforts towards reviving a deadlocked peace process,
moribund since 2000. Human rights and morality as well as realpolitics
are facing a critical test in the Gaza Strip, where the culprits of the tragic
status quo perceive a “window of opportunity.”
According
to Yoram Meital, Chairperson of the Chaim Herzog Center for
Middle East Studies & Diplomacy at Israel’s Ben-Gurion University (ynetnews.com
on August 6), the first to point to this “window of opportunity” was the U.S.
president, George W. Bush, who last month vaguely proposed an ambiguous public
relations “international” conference on Middle East in the fall with the aim of
advancing the peace process. In parallel, the Israeli prime minister suggested
an “agreement of principles” for a final-status deal with the Palestinians. On
August 8, Israeli Foreign Minister, Tzipi Livni joined Bush’s new “vision” on
the opportunity: “Gaza creates a security threat
for us, while the other part (West Bank)
controlled by the new Palestinian government (of Salam Fayyad) can create an
opportunity,” she said.
A
flurry of diplomatic traffic followed. Bush’s Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice visited the region and met with Palestinian President Mahmoud abbas and
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert before they held their latest bimonthly
meeting in Jericho, the special envoy of the Quartet of the U.S., U.N., EU and
Russia Tony Blair also made a regional visit, which coincided with another historic
and first of its kind by the foreign ministers of Egypt, Ahmed Aboul Ghei, and Jordan,
Abdul-Ilah Khatib, to Israel to present the Arab Peace Initiative of the League
of Arab States. None of these events cared to put the looming disaster in Gaza on the agenda.
Ignoring
the time bomb that is clicking in Gaza,
their message was conveyed by way of default and contrast. Making the life of
Palestinians under the Israeli military occupation in the West Bank look
easier, economically promising, and diplomatically and politically in
interacting contact with the civilized world is meant to be a contrast for
comparison by their compatriots in the “liberated” Gaza Strip, locked in by the
Israeli military siege, the economic blockade and the political and diplomatic
isolation.
‘Beware of Greeks bearing gifts’
To
confirm their message and sustain the inter-Palestinian divisive status quo,
Bush recently unveiled a U.S. aid package for the Palestinian Authority (PA) in
the West Bank, which is expected neither to alleviate the economic distress in
the West Bank nor avert the humanitarian disaster in Gaza, but would exacerbate
the Gaza’s isolation as well as its political rift with the northern
compatriots.
Bush
promised to provide the Palestinians with $190 million in aid and $80 million
in security assistance. The biggest chunk—$140 million—is the budget that is
already scheduled for the UNRWA. The other $50 million of the $190 million in
aid is money attached to political conditions to be channeled through the
United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Daniel Levy, a
former Israeli peace negotiator and senior fellow at the Century Foundation, a
think-tank based in Washington,
said: “The president continued to promote deepening divisions among the
Palestinians, insist on preconditions to a two-state solution and display an
unwillingness to outline his own parameters for an Israeli-Palestinian endgame
deal,” Levy told IPS.
Linda S. Heard in an opinion column on Online Journal on August 2
quoted “an old expression that goes, ‘Beware of Greeks bearing gifts,’
which has its origins in Virgil's rendition of the Trojan horse legend. Another
translation reads ‘Trust not their presents, not admit the horse’ … change the
word ‘Greeks’ to ‘Americans’ (and) the warning may well be valid today.”
More
than ten billion dollars of donors’ aid since 2000, $6 billion of European
taxpayers’ money given in aid to Palestinians between 1993 and 2004, an annual average
of $350-450 million injected into the PA from 1994-2000 and about $650 million
annually from 2001-2007, which amounts to over $7 billion, more per capita than
anyplace in the world except for Israel, which is heavily subsidized by the
U.S., have all failed to stave off the
current collapse of the Palestinian economy, polity and society or to secure a
permanent opening of even one border crossing between Gaza and the outside
world.
All
those billions of donors money were squandered in vain, because: “The Palestinians have been too
grateful and too helpless for too long to be critical of the political agenda
of their donors who have practically nailed them down as political hostages to
the donors' money, which was promised initially to help build an independent
Palestinian state, but ended up as a political instrument effectively used by
the Israeli occupying power,” as this author wrote in the Middle East Times on
September 7, 2006.
“The
internal political crisis is only a result of the deeper economic and
humanitarian crisis, which is crushing the Palestinian people to the brink of a
“social revolt,” especially in the “ticking time bomb” of Gaza Strip, and the
donors-sustained Palestinian Authority (PA) to the brink of collapse since the
donors tightened the Israeli military siege by imposing a suffocating financial
blockade early in the year. The ensuing Palestinian divide is being further
exacerbated by the donors' public siding with one party of the divide, to the
detriment of the people whom the donors are trying in vain to reach out for,”
this author added. Less than one year on, this donors’ role is reinforced.
Had Gandhi Been Alive
Only
an international nonviolent resistance project, “The Free Gaza Movement,” is
“taking action” to alert the world public opinion to the threatening status quo
in Gaza to
hopefully awake to the danger simmering there and defuse the clicking time
bomb. Up to 100 international volunteered Palestinian, Israeli, American,
European, African and Asian rabbis, imams, Christian and Buddhist clerics,
British MPs, entertainment celebrities, and internationally known journalists
as well as Nakba and Holocaust survivors will sail from Cyprus to Gaza in 2 to
6 seagoing vessels of 12 to 60 passengers each, prospectively on August 15.
Their
declared mission is to: “1.To open Gaza to unrestricted international access,
i.e. Palestinian sovereignty, 2. To demonstrate that Israel still occupies
Gaza, despite its claims to the contrary, 3. To show international solidarity
with the people of Gaza and the rest of Palestine, 4. To demonstrate the
potential of nonviolent resistance methods.” More than 35 organizers from 13
countries have consulted Greenpeace among others for logistical support to sail
safe through expected highly risky Israeli security impediments and
restrictions.
The
Daily India, on August 4, reported that Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi alias
Mahatma Gandhi, the world’s spiritual leader of nonviolence and “Father of the
Indian Nation,” would have headed for the Gaza Strip to fight for the freedom
of Palestinians had he been alive, says his 72-year-old grandson. According to Professor
Rajmohan Gandhi, the son of Devdas Gandhi, the Mahatma's youngest son, “If he
(Mahatma Gandhi) was around today, my grandfather would have been in the Gaza
Strip, shoulder-to-shoulder with the Palestinians.”
Warnings Fall on Deaf Ears
None
of the same or lesser caliber figures is even thinking of heading for Gaza, but
several prominent humanitarian spokesmen and women have at least voiced their
warnings against the unfolding humanitarian disaster there, including the U.N.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, his Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian
Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, John Holmes, the acting director of
World Bank activities in the Palestinian Authority territories, Faris
Hadad-Zervos, who warned of a “severe humanitarian impact,” exacerbation of
“the economic crisis,” and “risk of virtually irreversible collapse” of the
“pillars of Gaza’s economy.”
Commissioner
General of the U.N. Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), Karen AbuZayd, warned
that, “the Gaza
economy will collapse” unless the crossings are “opened for exports and not
just for imports.” Director of the UNRWA in Gaza,
John Ging, noted that 1.1 million of Palestinians in Gaza are dependent on international aid and
the impending humanitarian crisis could overwhelm U.N. resources. The United
Nations has suspended vital construction projects such as homes, schools and
sewage treatment in Gaza.
“Some $93 million [£46 million] of projects are on hold because cement and
other building supplies have run out,” said Ging. UNRWA’s construction projects
employ 121,000 people in a territory where about 80 per cent of people live on
$2 a day. Michael Williams, a coordinator for the U.N.'s regional efforts, told
the Security Council early this month that 75 percent of factories have closed
since June. He quoted World Bank data that since June, 68,000 jobs have been
lost in the teeming strip.
Oxfam
warned against the “increasing desperation of Gazans as shortages of fuel,
water and food are reported” and that “thousands of refugees across Gaza will face imminent
cuts in water and sewage services if more fuel is not provided in the coming
days and weeks.” The Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, in an “Urgent Appeal
from Israeli Human Rights Groups to Israeli Defense Minister,” raised its
alarm” “Open Gaza's Borders to Prevent a Humanitarian Crisis.”
Food
shortage is another great cause for concern. UNRWA officials are anxious
about running down their reserves. The World Food Programme has also been
noticing growing food insecurity in Gaza.
The cancellation of the Gaza customs code by Israeli authorities also meant
that more than 1,300 containers of commercial materials destined for Gaza
remained stranded at Israeli ports, and essential items such as milk powder,
baby formula, vegetable oil and medical supplies were now in short supply.
“There
is no doubt, Gaza
is becoming aid-dependent,” said Liz Sime from CARE International. “They want
aid in the form of job-creation programs.” Such programs may remain a “pipe
dream” if the borders stay shut, Sime said. The Association of Palestinian
Businessmen warned that if the closure continues, at least 120,000 workers in Gaza could lose their
jobs; more than 65.000 already did. Oxfam’s Michael Bailey agreed. If the
crossings between Gaza and Israel aren't
opened soon, “the slide into all-out dependency will be swift and inevitable,”
he said.
The
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported on
August 3 that the vast majority of import-dependent industries have temporarily
closed down and only 10 per cent of Gaza’s
industries remain partially functional. “We need to see all crossings at least
as operational as they were before 9 June, or risk facing serious social,
economic and humanitarian concerns,” the Under-Secretary-General for
Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, John Holmes, warned in a
press release. Gazan industry is based on enterprises ninety-five percent of
which rely on the importation of raw materials. On July 26 The
Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) meeting in Geneva
demanded that Israel
comply with the Protocol on Economic Relations between the Government of Israel
and the Palestine Liberation Organization.
Palestinian Authority Ambivalent
U.S.
Ambassador Dennis Ross on August 1st warned in the New
Republic: “We cannot ignore that providing
assistance to Gaza
now requires someone to deal with Hamas. It need not be us, but total isolation
and a cut-off could produce a humanitarian disaster. If we don't want others in
the international community to feel compelled to establish normal contacts with
Hamas, we need to forge an international consensus on how to deal with the
realities in Gaza,”
Ross wrote, adding: “There is a need to avoid a humanitarian crisis. There may
be a need to permit at least some limited commerce to prevent a complete
economic collapse.”
However
all warnings are falling on deaf Israeli, American, European, Arab and even
Palestinian ears. For example no word has so far been heard from the UN Human
Rights Council’s Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, the Swiss Jean
Ziegler, to draw attention to the hunger in Gaza. May be he is waiting for hunger to bite
more or waiting for an “official” word from the Palestinian Authority (PA), or
others, to act on the looming disaster, a word that politics would expectedly
play a game of brinkmanship with hunger to make Gaza “scream” before the outcry
is voiced out as a state of emergency, despite the “state of emergency”
declared by the PA on June 14 for political reasons. The PA’s passive
ambivalence seems to keep similar human rights organizations with enough excuse
to stay disconnected.
Senior
Abbas aide and Palestinian chief negotiator, Saeb Erekat, said it would be
“short-sighted” to try to exploit the Gaza
closure for political gain: “No one thinks like that in Abbas' office.”
Separately, Nimr Hamad, an adviser to Abbas said: “We need to differentiate
between punishing the people of Gaza
and weakening Hamas. We don’t want the people to suffer.”
However,
at least by default the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah seems ambivalent
vis-à-vis the Gazans’ plight. Objecting they had not been in advance consulted
about it, they welcomed on July 30 the withdrawal of a statement proposed to
the U.N. Security Council, drafted by Qatar and Indonesia, on the situation in
Gaza, demanding the reopening of all Gaza crossing points, a move that would
ease the isolation of Hamas as well as the deploring conditions there. The
draft was withdrawn, but the PA had to contain the diplomatic blundering
arising therefrom.
The
PA’s former foreign minister, Nabil Shaath visited Indonesia
as a special envoy for President Abbas; Gaza
needed humanitarian assistance, he said and appealed to the international
community to help end Israel's
siege, saying in Jakarta
the siege is “pushing Palestinians towards starvation.” Shaath sounded
contradictory with the measures taken by the PA on the ground, described by Egypt’s
Al-Ahram Weekly on 2 - 8 August as bringing the conflict to “the limits of
absurdity.”
Abbas
suspended the Gaza Strip attorney general's work and ordered the police to stop
working. Instructions were issued not to implement court verdicts, and forbade
the courts to collect money, paralyzing the civil courts. Each of the
two governments fails to acknowledge the legitimacy of the other's security agencies.
The PA warned its employees not to continue working in Gaza; while guaranteeing their rights, it has
threatened those who go to work with “breaking the law and the legal and
administrative measures of the government,” in orders issued by the Ministry of
Transportation in the Fayyad government. “Why did the Fayyad government order
its police not to report to their units and threaten those undertaking their
duties with loss of pay? They are destroying the judiciary,” said the director
of the Gaza based
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, Raji Al-Sourani, a lawyer.
The
PA Salam Fayyad’s government announced the weekend to be on Friday and Saturday
while the Gaza
government of Ismael Hanniyah, which Abbas dissolved, still observes the
weekend on Thursday and Friday. The health sector was paralyzed as each of the
two governments has appointed a director for the major hospitals in the Gaza
Strip; moreover the Ramallah government has issued an order for fees not to be
collected for examinations, treatment, and other health services, so that they
do not go into the Haniyeh government's treasury. Yet the other government has
asked patients to pay fees, albeit with flexibility. There is also fear that
Palestinians in the Gaza Strip will not be able to perform the pilgrimage to
Mecca this year because each of the two governments has an agency for
pilgrimage and each is conducting a lottery to select those who will be allowed
to undertake the journey. It has become possible for Gazans to drive their cars
without licences; the Ramallah government has issued instructions to close all
PA license offices in the Gaza Strip. Most recently the Fayyad government
delayed announcing the high school matriculation exam results and threatened
not to recognize the results of exams held in the Gaza Strip as they have not
been authorized by the Ministry of Education in the Ramallah because the
Haniyeh government does not have the right to approve the results because it is
an “illegitimate” government.
Moreover,
and more importantly, the PA was not sending the right message for
international humanitarian intervention. On July 10 President Abbas linked
Hamas, now ruling in Gaza, to al-Qaeda: “Yes,
through Hamas, al-Qaeda has entered Gaza and
through Hamas, al-Qaeda is protected,” he told Italian Rai TV in Rome. Earlier he decreed
to outlaw the military wing of the Islamic movement as a “terrorist”
organization. These and similar introductory statements were necessary to
demand that an international force should be deployed in the Gaza Strip to
allow humanitarian aid to be delivered, as if Hamas, and not Israel, was
responsible for blocking the flow in of the urgently needed aid. Most likely
the catastrophic evolution of the humanitarian crisis could unfold before his
proposal is seriously considered by the world community.
The Case for Military Intervention
Israeli
officials, who had all along rejected older Palestinian similar demands as a
buffer force to spare Gazans the still ongoing Israeli military incursions,
were quick this time to promote Abbas’ controversial demand internationally,
which is widely opposed internally by Palestinians.
Most
likely therefore is that if military intervention was to come it will be
Israeli and not international. Since Hamas took over in Gaza in June media reports were ample on a
possible Israeli large scale military operation there. “With Gaza being defined as a hostile entity and
its whole population as allied to Hamas, there is no doubt that it will be, in
the near future, the target of a brutal Israeli aggression: eventual military
incursions, bombardments and starvation. This is why our top priority, in
Israel as well as throughout the world, is to organize solidarity with Gaza and
its population,” Michel Warschawski, a journalist who co-founded the
Alternative Information Center (AIC) in Israel, wrote on July 12 (Alternative Information Center, see here).
Israel acknowledges the
“humanitarian crisis” in Gaza
but blames Hamas for it. “I am not saying the situation in Gaza
is good,” said Shlomo Dror, from Israel's Ministry of Defense, but
he was “not convinced” the economy would irreversibly collapse: “We are working
to prevent a humanitarian crisis. But if the Palestinians have complaints, they
should put pressure on Hamas.”
On
July 16, Sari Bashi, the executive director of the Israeli human rights group,
GISHA, said Israel was
violating international law by strangling economic activity in Gaza;
she was inflicting “collective punishment” on the 1.5 million Palestinians by
closing the main commercial crossing between Israel and the Gaza Strip at Karni.
“This amounts to the implementation of a policy of collective punishment which
is in breach of international law because it involves the intentional
inflicting of suffering on a civilian population,” Miss Bashi said (telegraph.co.uk).
Refuting
Israel’s security pretexts,
Bashi earlier told the Voice of America: “Israel has legitimate security
interests in protecting its personnel at Karni crossing, but those security
interests are being used as a pretext to keep Karni closed. Karni can be
opened; people in the private sector have offered to secure the crossings to
coordinate re-opening the crossings but they need Israeli cooperation in order
to do so.”
Israel completely controls the
Gaza air space
and territorial waters. The Gazan foreign trade is conducted almost solely with
Israel
or via Israeli ports through five border-crossing points under Israeli control
(Erez, Karni, Nahal Oz, Sufa, and Kerem Shalom), closed since June 10.
The
Rafah crossing point with Egypt, the only outlet of Gaza to the outside world,
was closed in June, stranding more than 6.000 returning Palestinians on the
Egyptian side for more than two months, which resulted in the death of 33 of
them according to the U.N.; more than 90 people, many of them seriously ill,
who went to Egypt for treatment, were trapped at the airport, according to a
joint statement by 12 human rights organizations active in PA territories.
The
major player in Gaza’s evolving tragedy is the Israeli occupying power, who has
shuttered the security of the Palestinian people and the peace of their life
and mind since Israel trespassed into their territory over the borders
demarcated by the United Nations Resolution 181 of 1947 and is displacing ever
since more than four million refugees who constitute now more than 75 percent
of the Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip. “This” expanded Israel is now sarcastically citing a security
threat to tighten the screws of the siege her crushing war machine has been
imposing on an area torn by her blockade and military onslaughts very long
before Hamas even came into being to overrun Gaza in June this year.
“They
hope that, with progress in the West Bank, stagnation in Gaza and growing pressure from ordinary
Palestinians, a discredited Hamas will be forced out or forced to surrender.
They are mistaken … as long as the Palestinian schism endures, progress is on
shaky ground. Security and a credible peace process depend on minimal
intra-Palestinian consensus,” an “executive summary” of the International
Crisis Group concluded on August 2. Similarly, it would be disingenuous in the
extreme to minimize the role of the U.S. and the European Union in
particular. “Through their words and deeds, they helped persuade important
Fatah elements that the unity government was a transient phenomenon and that
their former control of the Palestinian Authority (PA) could be restored …
Paradoxically, the more successful the strategy of strengthening Abbas, the
greater Hamas’s motivation to sabotage it,” the ICG added.
Nicola
Nasser is a veteran Arab journalist in Kuwait,
Jordan, UAE and Palestine; he is based in
Birzeit, West Bank of the Israeli occupied territories.
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