Hundreds of thousands of Israeli children from the social periphery attend overcrowded and underfunded state schools, while the Israeli middle class takes care of itself through democratic schools.
Hundreds of thousands of Israeli children from the social periphery attend overcrowded and underfunded state schools, while the Israeli middle class takes care of itself through democratic schools.
At the
beginning of June 2007, a two day conference was held in the city of Bat Yam entitled “On the Path to a Vision in Israel: The
First International Conference for Education”. Despite its bombastic title, the
conference was not covered by the press and its voice was not heard by the
public. Notwithstanding, this conference possesses double importance. This conference
represents the first time that businesspersons, the primary privatizers of the
public education system, and educators who support privatization, sat together
to discuss a vision for education in the future. Secondly and as will be
detailed below, the conference was incredibly well organised to meet other
needs, and serves as an excellent example of how systems work to disguise their
true intentions, and how the public is unable to decode these hidden intentions.
Firstly, it
is crucial to mention the facilitators and speakers at the conference as the
confusion begins already here. Amongst prominent businesspersons at the
conference were Dov Lautman, Nir Bareket and Shlomo Dovrat, the latter two
directly connected to the processes of privatizing public education. Nir
Bareket initiated projects of school community involvement in Jerusalem, and in the past pushed for the
opening of registration areas and school autonomy in the city. Shlomo Dovrat is
the same Dovrat of the infamous report, who proposed to the previous government
the wholesale privatization of the public education system in Israel. It is
important to recall that although this report was cancelled by the current government,
it is alive and kicking in other forms and formats. All existing plans of today
are more or less Dovrat, i.e. all of them are founded on principles of
privatization.
Also participating
at the conference was Mirav Arlozorov, a journalist with The Marker, who
facilitated a panel featuring all invited guests. Two relatively well known American
scholars further participated in the conference, and spoke about small schools
as a part of educational initiatives. And of course, in addition to Minister of
Education Yuli Tamir, two business people involved in privation of education
attended: Eli Alluf from the Rashi Foundation and Yaakov Hecht from the
Democratic Institute.
A rather
strange mix of people. What is unclear to the general public is why the city of
Bat Yam was
selected to host the conference. Bat Yam Mayor Lechiani is perceived as one of
the most important promoters ever of education in the city. What do Hecht and
all the businesspeople, what to mention the concept of small schools, have to
do with anything?
To make
things clearer, we will begin with history. Three years ago, the Democratic Institute
of Yaakov Hecht began to implement a very interesting project in Bat Yam, made possible by
the Rashi Foundation of Eli Alluf. The project was intended to provide tools to
middle school educators to create more humanistic surroundings for the
children, on the basis of providing motivation in all areas of life and not
only in the cognitive field. For example, if the child wants to excel at surfing,
the educator will strengthen him in this. According to the democratic (but not
only) theory, support for the child so that s/he will reach excellence, in any
field, results in an increase in motivation in the areas of theoretical
knowledge, including math, reading and writing.
Beyond the
argument over the capacity of projection from one field to another, there is no
doubt that levels of success must be examined objectively: did the children
participating in the project improve their academic achievements? Were those
children at risk of dropping out now out of danger? How many children who
participated in the project are likely to successfully complete their high
school studies with full matriculation? How many are not? Amongst all this
optimism, I have numerous doubts. If the public education system does not
result in success in academic studies, all of the ‘tricks’ done on the way mean
nothing. There is no doubt that such a project can assist children in
developing positive self image in various areas, but this doesn’t necessarily
mean anything in relation to the studies themselves.
However, it
is the way in which this project was built that is the problem, not the
project’s content per se.
As the
Rashi Foundation, which funds the project, is involved for a period of only three
years, a need is created to search for alternative investors. If an alternative
funder is not located, the project is liable to go down the drain.
Yaakov
Hecht, who is busy building democratic schools throughout Israel as an
alternative to the existing public education system, supports privatization as
it would allow him to build schools outside of those existing in the public
system. A majority of the democratic schools are meant to serve the interests
of the middle class, increasingly frustrated with the chaos reigning in the
existing public system. Hecht provides a solution: a small school and
democratic communication between teachers, parents and children. Many people
are attracted to this type of education as it appears more humanistic to them.
However, in practice this actually further weakens the public education system
that is being attacked from all directions. Hecht is now considered a “shark”
in the education market, primarily as he does not pose a threat to anyone.
There is no threatening social-political statement from democratic education.
Apart from his involvement in the Bat
Yam conference, he is not involved in the formal
education system. He raises funds from donors and the parents – there is no
threat here. Hundreds of thousands of children from the social periphery will
continue to attend schools hit hard by budget cuts, schools in which the
overcrowding is horrific, the lack of development budget is known throughout
the system, and in which teachers have lost all hope in bringing change. In the
meantime the democratic schools will continue to flourish, to bring a cure for
middle class families, and the children of the poor will look on them from afar
and feel jealous.
The Rashi
Foundation, from its perspective, functions as the second Ministry of
Education. It donates money and is assisted by the matching funds it receives
from the state. The foundation is not obligated to be accountable to anyone, it
selects for itself the projects in accordance with mysterious criteria that no
one understands outside of the logic of charity. And after three years of
support by the Rashi Foundation, a sort of start-up, it adopts the known “now
get by on your own” logic, which destroys any possibility of continuity; the
weaker the education framework or project, the less the possibility to raise
funds for its continuation, and this is the reason why many projects begin and after
three years are closed.
The
Ministries of Education and Finance support initiatives such as these. This
allows them to repeat endlessly that despite the budgetary cuts, “there are
projects”! The project has become a substitute for permanent budgets and a
means for covering deficits. There always were and will be budget cuts, and all
the projects together are insufficient to cover the deficit. The reason for
this is simple: there are not enough foundations and millionaires in the world
who can cover the accumulative deficits due to cutbacks in the Ministry of
Education budgets, what to mention an upgrading the education system. If we
were to determine a zero point, we can say that relative to the Ministry budgets
ten years ago, we are today at minus 35%; all of the donors together do not
represent more than 5%. As long as this minus continues to grow, the percentage
of support from all the foundations and donations will decrease.
From here
comes the logic of support for three years. If the Rashi Foundation would
provide ongoing support to a project, it would have insufficient funds for all
the projects it supports. But why would the foundation provide long-term
support for fewer projects when it can sell itself as the number one funder of
education with a large number of projects? The political power of the Rashi
Foundation derives from its ability to move its capital in every direction on
the basis of three year investments. It should be noted that although it
declares itself as the funder, it is never the sole funder. Municipalities,
government offices and others contribute matching funds. For example, the Bat Yam Municipality provided money of its own
to the Democratic Institute, and in parallel the Ministry of Education also
donated. However, the Rashi Foundation will be the knight of donations, and
why? Because that is the logic of privatization. Private capital is worth more,
in its symbolic meaning, than the money to which children are already eligible
to receive from the local municipality and the Ministry of Education.
In other
words, the conference was intended to encourage additional donors to the
project of Hecht.
So why did
the two American scholars appear at the conference? There are two reasons, and
the first is the obvious that if you want to dub a conference as international,
you must invite Americans. There is no real intention to learn something from
them. Of course Hecht can say that he agrees schools should be small, as all of
the democratic schools are small. However, it can be assumed that this is not
the intention of the American guests, who perceive themselves as continuing on
the path, in one way or another, of Professor Syzer, one of the greatest
American educators of the last generation, who built small schools for children
who openly dropped out from the American public education system. I do not know
if the guests deal with this same type of population. However, what is clear is
that no one at the conference intends to divide the huge high schools of Bat Yam into smaller schools, nor does the Ministry of
Education intend to do this anywhere else in Israel. Such moves would require
fantasy budgets in this era of cutbacks to the very essentials.
The
businesspeople, strong supporters of the privatization of everything, have no
doubt that this should be supported as the main panel of the conference was
entitled “Contribution of the Culture of Entrepreneurship to Educational
Success: Is its Existence Facilitated?” Simply, what this sentence, coded in
business-speak, says is: why weren’t Dovrat and his friends allowed to
completely privatize the educational system? Why is he being bothered, and who
is getting in the way?
Those getting
in the way of privatization, in the meantime, are the teachers. In a partial,
imperfect and unimaginative way, but the teachers are still getting in the way.
The political, economic and media systems surrendered long ago.
And
finally, to Bat Yam Mayor Lechiani, what is he looking for? Lechiani, another
strong supporter of privatization and the Dovrat Report, announced not long ago
that he would like to separate from the Ministry of Education and build an
autonomous education system in his city. What he does not say is that this
would result in long-term damage to education in his city. It is sufficient
that another mayor be elected, one for whom education is not so important, in
order to return the little accomplished in the city back in time. Education
cannot simply be a city matter, as each city will independently select its path
with no regard for vision, social change and the provision of equal education
for all children.
So my sole
recommendation is that if you come across additional conferences of this sort,
beware: they are trying to hide from us something ugly.
*Marcello
Weksler is Director of Educational Program for Marginalized Youth, Tel Aviv;
and Board Member of the AIC.
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