Tzipi Livni,Israeli Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, at the meeting of the EU-Israel Association Council.
Last
Monday, 16 June, in a meeting of the EU-Israel Association Council attended by
the Israeli Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Livni and
European foreign ministers, an upgrade in the relations between Israel and the
European Union was unanimously approved. These enhanced measures of cooperation,
not incidentally, coincide with Israel’s
60th birthday and demonstrate increasingly closer economic,
political and social links between the EU and Israel.
The
announcement follows months of hard negotiating and bargaining by Foreign
Minister Livni, but, according to one European diplomat, EU opinion prior to
the meeting was that the 27 member states of the EU had simply not “had enough
time” to come to an agreement (Reuters, 11 June 2008). Monday’s
announcement for increased relations concerns three areas: diplomatic
cooperation; Israel’s
participation in European plans and agencies; and an examination of possible
Israeli integration into the European Single Market.
Such
advances in political and economic relations between Israel and the EU are strongly
opposed by the Palestinian Authority. On 27 May 2008, Palestinian Prime
Minister Salam Fayyad wrote to the European Union heads of state, urging them
not to upgrade their ties with Israel
unless construction and expansion of settlements and the Separation Wall was
immediately halted.
In conjunction with Fayyad,
not all Europeans were in favor of the upgrading of Israel’s relationship. Luisa
Morgantini, Vice President of the European Parliament, and member of a 14 MEP
ad hoc delegation belonging to different political parties that visited the
occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) from 31 May to 2 June, states that “we
[the delegation] strongly feel that without serious signs of good faith
translated into tangible improvements on the ground, the time is not yet right
to upgrade EU-Israel relations.”
For EU external relations
commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner, speaking prior to Monday’s meeting with
Foreign Minister Livni, the most important issue at hand is to “start the
process” of negotiations to finalize the upgrade. President of
the EU General Affairs and External Relations Council, Slovenian Foreign
Minister Dr. Dimitrij Rupel, noted in a press release that “Dialogue and
cooperation must be based on common values such as supporting efforts to find a
solution to the Middle East conflict, to bolster the fight against terrorism
and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, to promote human rights, to
improve dialogue between cultures and religions, and to cooperate in the fight
against anti-Semitism, racism and xenophobia.”
EU foreign affairs ministers expressed the political will to intensify
relations and agreed to develop them gradually, as part of the European Union Neighborhood
Policy. “There are obvious reasons for which strengthened political cooperation
between the EU and Israel
should be understood as a cooperation which contributes to resolution of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict,” Minister Rupel pointed out.
Significantly, what is lacking from Minister Rupel’s speech are the obvious
problems that he labels but does not discuss. In 2003, Gideon Meir, Israeli
deputy director for media and public affairs in the Foreign Ministry, stated
that “Israel views every
state that is harboring terrorist organizations and the leaders of those
terrorist organizations who are attacking innocent citizens of the state of Israel as
legitimate targets out of self defense.” This definition suggests that all
Palestinians are a threat to Israeli security and should be treated as such.
Minister Rupel states that the EU is prepared to bolster the fight against
terrorism, but what does that mean in concrete terms? One of the main
criticisms of human rights organizations is that nation states do not use
clearly defined definitions of terrorism. This lack of definition gives states
ample leeway to do as they see fit against legitimate armed struggle by labeling
and justifying their actions as the continued fight against terrorism. From
this issue, it then becomes very difficult to focus on what the term “bolster” could
mean in the context of EU-Israel relations. Does the vagueness of the term
imply that the EU is going to adopt the theory that all Palestinians are
terrorists? If so, it would then put the EU’s policy of tolerance and
acceptance of all peoples severely in question. How can the leading principles
of democracy that the EU advises the Palestinian Authority to adopt, be justified
if the EU is toying with the idea of adopting the Israeli definition of
terrorism?
Furthermore, Minister Rupel mentions that the EU is seeking to continue to
fight against weapons of mass destruction. According to the James Martin
Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Israel is in
possession and capable of launching weapons of mass destruction. Israel has not
declared being in possession of WMD, nor has it allowed international observers
to inspect and reassure the international community of Israeli military
capacities. This lack of transparency demonstrates that Israel is in
fact a significant actor in the proliferation of WMD in the region, directly
conflicting with Minister Rupel’s statement for further cooperation and the EU’s
fight against terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
How the EU can possibly justify its statement and conflict of interests is yet
unknown.
In addition to the problematic nature surrounding the differences in EU and
Israeli points of view regarding terrorism and weapons of mass destruction,
there is also the question of increasing cooperation on the promotion of human
rights. In 2005, the European Union voted positively on a UN text
clearly stating that the Palestinians have a “right to their independent State
of Palestine, and urged all States and United Nations agencies and
organizations to continue to support the realization of that goal.” Within this
context, how is the EU
capable of signing an agreement with Israel
when Israel
is documented to be in violation of Palestinian basic human rights on a regular
and continual basis?
A further issue can be
remarked on the question of human rights. How is it possible for the EU to
continue to promote human rights with Israel while silently accepting
illegal Israeli house demolitions and all of the other numerous infractions
that the Israelis perform against Palestinians? The EU-Israel Association
Agreement is entirely based upon the principle of continual observance of human
rights and democracy. It has clauses stating that the agreement can be revoked
if human rights are not respected, but there is little oversight or mechanism
to act on these clauses.
Therefore, by increasing
relations with Israel,
the EU is silently endorsing the Israeli politics of human rights breaches and
perpetrating crimes against the Palestinian people.
It is interesting to note
that Egypt has also been in
the process of attempting to upgrade its relationship with the EU, but unlike Israel, Egypt
has been denied on the grounds that it requested a clause be written into the
agreement that the Middle East be completely
free of weapons of mass destruction. Why would a democratically, peace seeking
body such as the EU refuse to accept a proposal that would have the potential
to lead to a safer world?
Through the upgrade of the
EU-Israel relationship and the clear contradictions that this upgrade
represents, would it be unfair to suggest that the EU is closing the gap
between the styles of international diplomacy of the EU and the USA? It is
apparent that the EU is violating its own principles and policies by entering
into this new agreement with Israel. Only time will give an indication of whether
the EU has any satisfactory justification to explain it’s increased
relationship with Israel.
At the moment, however, this looks doubtful.
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