Economy of the Occupation 16: Privatization of Israel’s Refineries, January 2008.
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1. Introduction
Like many other countries in the world,
Israel
has embarked on a rapid and wide-scale privatization process for over a decade.
This paper will explore the consequences of transferring state owned assets to
private ownership by focusing on one example - that of Israel's oil refineries.
Additionally, it will trace the ways
in which
Israel
’s occupation
of
Palestine
affects Israeli economic policy.
The current
economic situation in
Israel
is layered. On the surface, the
economy is prosperous, with
improvements in the macroeconomic indicators,
in per-capita GDP, low inflation and
a balanced government budget. Despite appearances,
however, the reality is quite bleak.
Israel’s
welfare system has been largely dismantled and the government’s
responsibilities vis-à-vis its Israeli citizens and Palestinian subjects has
dramatically changed in the past few decades.
Israel
used to be one of the world’s most developed welfare states, with substantial government investment in public
services such as health
, education
and welfare. [i] Today, however,
that welfare state only continues to exist in the illegal settlements in the
West Bank,
where settlers receive many forms of subsidized goods and government services. [ii]
Since
Israel’s occupation of the
Palestinian
Territories
in 1967, occupation has become a
serious drain on the Israeli economy. More than two-thirds of the occupation’s
expense comes from military spending
,
aimed at keeping the Palestinians under control and suppressing their revolt. [iii] The
Israeli government spends approximately $9.3 billion every year to maintain the
occupation (calculation updated for 2007). [iv]
US
aid to
Israel
has dropped to about $2.2
billion annually. It can therefore no longer cover the cost of occupation. [v]
The occupation
costs about 13% of the government’s total annual budget. [vi] At
the current rate of increase of the Israeli budget (1.7% annually) and the rate
of increase in occupation costs (about 8% annually),
the cost of the occupation will reach 50% of the total Israeli budget by 2030.
This scenario is highly unlikely,
however, as no modern economy can
sustain such an expense.
How, then,
does
Israel
plan to fund the occupation? There are three options available to the
government. The first is to use expanding fiscal measures,
such as printing money, going into
debt or increasing taxes. These measures are currently very unpopular among
mainstream economists.
Israel
could face serious sanctions from international trade organizations, the IMF and from foreign governments and investors
if it uses such measures. Additionally,
government economists have been trained in Israeli and foreign universities to
reject such policies.
The second
option is to generate sufficient economic growth so that the government’s
revenues increase fast enough to cover the mounting costs of occupation. However, over the past 40 years,
the Israeli economy grew at an average of 2.4% annually while the settler
population grows at an astounding rate of 8% annually. Keeping these statistics
in mind, it seems highly unlikely
that
Israel
could now generate enough economic growth to cover the cost of occupation.
The third option
for funding the occupation and the one currently being adopted by the Israeli
government is to gradually cut government expenditures and privatize government-owned
assets. The cut in government expenditures is evident in
Israel
’s 2007
budget in which the government approved cuts of about 9% [vii] to
most ministries, including welfare, education and health. However, the approved defense budget is the largest in
Israel’s
history: an indication that the trend of shifting resources from public
services to the occupation is reaching a peak. As for privatization, the government sold assets worth over $1 billion
in 2006. [viii] By
doing so
, the government was able to
stave off a financial crisis so that it can continue to maintain the occupation
– at least for now. However
,
privatization isn’t a sustainable solution since there are a finite number of
government assets. Furthermore, the
government can rarely get a fair price for its assets (as this paper will try
to demonstrate). [ix] When the
government runs out of assets to liquidate,
it will be forced to find other sources of funding to continue its military
campaign against the Palestinians.
This article
focuses on the latter method of financing the occupation: privatizing
government holdings. It demonstrates the ways in which privatization hurts the
government, Israeli citizens as well
as Palestinians. By examining a specific case of privatization – the sale of
Israel’s oil refineries – the article will demonstrate that when Israel
relinquishes its assets to private companies – it loses money and power – thus
jeopardizing its ability to administer basic human services such as energy, food,
health care
, etc…
Businesses which
have purchased government assets (thus providing money to
Israel
) or
which have provided services to the occupation industry bear some
responsibility for the occupation. As the privatization of government assets
continues, more of
Israel’s
economy becomes private – thereby increasing the economic power and political
clout of private businesses, and
ultimately their responsibility for crimes committed by Israeli forces.
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[i] Shye,
Shmuel, Dahan,
Momi, Dvir,
Eyal, Mironichev, Natalia,
2000, Does Inequality Hamper
Growth?, On the Relationship
Between Equality in Income and Economic Growth, The Van Leer Social Justice Project – Position Paper No. 1, Jerusalem.
[ii] Gutwein, Danny,
2004, ‘Notes on the Class
Foundations of the Occupation’, Theory
and Criticism, Vol. 24
, p. 203-211.
[iii] Hever,
Shir, 2005, The Settlements – Economic Cost to
Israel
, Economy of the Occupation,
Part 2
,
Alternative
Information
Center,
Jerusalem, July 2005.
[iv] Hever,
Shir, 2005, The Settlements – Economic Cost to
Israel, Economy of the Occupation
,
Part 2,
Alternative
Information
Center,
Jerusalem, July 2005.
[v] Dagoni, Ran,
2005, “Worry That the Aid to
Israel
Will Be
Harmed in 2006-2007 by the Katrina Damages,” Globes, September 11th-12th, 2005.
[ix] See, for example,
in Rolnik, 2006, “5 Energetic Comments,” TheMarker, January 4th, 2006.
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